Yes, there’s a recall election underway against Julie Spilsbury – and I’ve been inundated with calls and texts asking me to expose the hypocrisy behind it, “just speak from your own experiences…” Anonymous campaign blasts, church-network house parties, and a dark-money political auxiliary humming in the background. Five years later, the cast hasn’t changed and neither has the script.
Spilsbury’s public persona shifts with the political wind. That’s not leadership – it’s stagecraft. In 2020 she pitched herself as a community mom and bookkeeper; in weeks, she was suddenly a self-proclaimed “entrepreneur” and small-business owner, as these titles were more fitting. Once the, “only Republican in the race”, and now the Democrats are her base, man what a difference a few years make…

LD10 Democrats canvassing every weekend for Spilsbury
The policies are almost beside the point – it’s the branding that matters to her operation. Her playbook comes straight from former Mayor John Giles, who hand-picked her for the seat. Giles perfected the same dance: tout a small-government Republican image locally, then, once safely in office, flip to endorsing Democrats when it no longer costs them politically. Two peas, same fraud.
When a Campaign Looks Like a Church Meeting
Early in Spilsbury’s 2020 campaign, an invitation went out for a “Meet & Greet” hosted entirely by members of the Church – including then-Mayor John Giles and a who’s who of well-connected LDS families. Many Mesa voters couldn’t tell if this was a political rally or a ward social. Spilsbury herself is the LDS bishop’s wife (a detail surely just coincidental to her rapid political rise).
It used to be federal law that churches (and other 501(c)(3)s) were barred from intervening in campaigns – no church directories, no ward contact lists, no official church communications used to rally voters for a candidate. While those restrictions have since been stripped away, the principle remains the same: in Spilsbury’s case, her campaign felt less like civic outreach and more like a church program. Every host on that early event flyer came from the same LDS ward circle. That isn’t broad-based “community engagement.” It’s a religious machine doubling as a political one.


Caption: Spilsbury’s early campaign invite — hosted at Mayor Giles’s home and stacked with LDS families.
Pro-Trump to One Crowd, Anti-Trump to Another
In 2020, Spilsbury’s network didn’t campaign on Mesa issues like streets, water, or public safety – they trafficked in pure political outrage. They micro-targeted voters with whatever partisan trigger would prompt a reaction.
Some voters were bombarded with messages claiming I was “anti-Trump,” painting Spilsbury as the only true Republican in the race. Meanwhile, others got the opposite narrative – that I was a “conservative extremist” tied to Trump – implicitly casting Spilsbury and her mentor Giles as the sensible anti-Trump choices. Two opposite stories, pushed by the same senders in the same election. That isn’t communication; it’s cynical theater.



Caption: Targeted 2020 blast text: branding me “anti-Trump” to some voters, while other lists were told I was a Trump extremist.
At the very same time those coordinated texts went out, the same circle was busy producing a parody video lampooning Trump and his supporters. One minute Spilsbury’s camp was positioning her as pro-Trump; the next, her allies were mocking Trump voters as clueless rubes.
Over 5000 Signatures
It should be no surprise to anyone that more than 5,000 Mesa residents signed petitions to recall Julie Spilsbury from the City Council — well above the 3,100 valid signatures required to trigger a special election. According to reporting at the time, the recall committee cited her votes to raise utility rates, increase council pay, and approve homeless housing in a hotel as proof she’d betrayed the very base she claimed to represent. But the deeper truth is this: people signed those petitions because they’ve had enough of the fraud. Spilsbury campaigned in 2020 as a Republican stalwart, riding messaging that painted her opponent as “anti-Trump.” Yet once she was safely reelected and politically untouchable, she pivoted and began endorsing Democrats down the ballot. She pretends to be one thing in Mesa and something entirely different on the national stage. Voters saw through the act, and the thousands of signatures collected for her recall are the direct result of that hypocrisy.
The “Integrity” Alliance That Does the Opposite
Enter the Public Integrity Alliance – Spilsbury’s church friends, run by Tyler Montague. It’s a 501(c)(4) “social welfare” outfit – what most people call dark money – because it can spend in elections without disclosing donors. In Mesa races it has poured serious cash into attack mailers, robocalls, online ads, and door programs. All while lecturing everyone else about “integrity.” The irony that they are now complaining about dark money is Mesa is comical.
It’s the oldest Mesa trick in the book: accuse others of being the extremists, fund it with anonymous dark money, then hide behind the candidate smiling from the “high road.”
Here’s the proof: PIA’s independent expenditure filing with the City of Mesa, showing tens of thousands of dollars poured directly into those very attack ads.
And here’s the irony: while their allies were blasting me as “anti-Trump,” Montague and his friends were busy making parody videos mocking Trump himself. One video, covered by Phoenix New Times, depicted Trump being “schlonged,” produced by the very same Public Integrity Alliance. (Phoenix New Times)
Even worse, those anti-Trump mailers that flooded Mesa in 2020? They weren’t some anonymous neighborhood project. They were financed and distributed by the Public Integrity Alliance itself — the largest dark-money operator in our city’s history and Spilsbury’s church friends.


Anti-Trump mailers funded by the Public Integrity Alliance — the same group now claiming to defend “integrity.”
Here you’ll find their campaign finance form
Wishing Trump Dead
And here’s the real kicker: Tyler Montague himself. Not only did he bankroll both sides of the Trump narrative, he openly despises Trump and has prayed for his death. These people are sick. They empower and recruit for the MAGA crowd inadvertently. Their antics are the fuel for the MAGA movement that they so despise.
Montague, Julie’s friend and operator of the Public Integrity Alliance, openly despises Trump — mocking him in parody videos, funding anti-Trump mailers, even posting on X that he prayed for Trump’s death.
This is classic Mesa politics: use the church network to attack opponents while pretending the candidate herself is “above it all.” Let the “Integrity” Alliance take the swings, while Spilsbury smiles from the high road.
Follow the Money (and the Ward Lists)
To my friends at the Church: take a look at the actual contributor roster from Spilsbury’s reports and tell me you don’t notice a pattern. Over and over you see the same family networks, the same ward surnames, the same social circles — all bankrolling a “nonpartisan” city race.
And while we’re on the subject of “diversity,” let’s talk about her official “Supporters” page. Spilsbury’s campaign published what they call an endorsement list. Scroll through it and you’ll quickly notice a pattern: page after page of the exact same ward families and church leaders.
Pages from Spilsbury’s official “Supporters” list — It’s not an endorsement list. It’s mostly a ward directory repurposed for politics.
To my friends at the Church: does this look like broad-based community diversity? Or does it look like a contact sheet repurposed for campaign turnout? When the overlap is this overwhelming, I’m not sure how the IRS—or any fair-minded voter—could tell the difference.
Silent When It Mattered; Loud When It Was Safe
When Spilsbury’s Church friends sent out anti-Trump flyers, Spilsbury stayed quiet and let proxies do the work. Later, when it became politically safe, after her re-election, the branding shifted and the endorsements to Democrats flowed. Meanwhile, Giles kept the “Republican mayor” façade during election cycles, then found his voice right as he was exiting. Same method, different mask. That is who these people are. They will sell you anything for power. Mesa voters saw through the act, which is exactly why over 5,000 signatures were collected to recall her.
Weaponizing the City Attorney’s Office
Lest anyone forget: nearly a decade ago the City bureaucrats tried to destroy my campaign with threatening letters — demanding I surrender or destroy my campaign materials. Political speech is protected; we had to bring in outside counsel to say the obvious. This is the same playbook Julie and her handlers use: if they can’t win on principle, they’ll weaponize our institutions.

Cease-and-desist letter sent by Mesa’s attorneys — weaponizing the City Attorney’s Office to intimidate political opponents. More details
My attorney’s response.
Giles: The Hand That Picked Spilsbury
Giles, the hand that picked Spilsbury, spent years selling small-government branding locally while voting for new taxes, then capped his career with splashy national endorsements once there was no political risk left. Loud at the end, quiet when it counted.
And here’s the bigger problem: people like Giles and Spilsbury can’t see that they themselves are the cause of Trumpism. When it mattered most, they were fake — silent to protect their careers. Only at the end of their terms, when there was nothing left to lose, did they suddenly discover “righteousness.” That’s not courage. That’s opportunism. The very definition of fake politics they embody.
No Chance Against the Machine
I don’t know Dorean Taylor, the person opposing Spilsbury. But I do know one thing: she stands no chance against the systematic Church electioneering machine she’s up against. What we’re watching isn’t a debate about policy or competence, Spilsbury would stand no chance if competence mattered. It’s a closed circuit where church lists become invite lists, invite lists become turnout lists, and “Integrity” groups do the opposite of what they’re named. Messaging shifts depending on the audience, legal threats fill in where arguments fail, and “nonpartisan” is nothing more than a fig leaf for a very partisan machine.
Mesa deserves straighter talk and cleaner politics than this. If our city races are going to stay nonpartisan on paper, they should act nonpartisan in practice — without ward directories doubling as field programs, dark-money mailers telling each audience a different story, and bishops doubling as campaign operatives.
If you like the machine, you already know how to vote. If you don’t, well this is Mesa, find a new home.